On the development of initial *Hu, *Hi and the rise of initial acute diphthongs in Baltic and Slavic

Collection:
Mokslo publikacijos / Scientific publications
Document Type:
Knygos dalis / Part of the book
Language:
Anglų kalba / English
Title:
On the development of initial *Hu, *Hi and the rise of initial acute diphthongs in Baltic and Slavic
In the Book:
Accent matters: papers on Balto-Slavic accentology. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2011. P. 309-321. (Studies in Slavic and general linguistics ; 37)
Keywords:
LT
Baltų kalbos / Baltic languages; Indoeuropiečių kabos / Indo-European languages; Kirčiavimas. Tartis. Akcentologija / Accent. Accentology; Slavų kalbos / Slavic languages; Žodžių kilmė. Etimologija / Word origin. Etymology.
Summary / Abstract:

LTReikšminiai žodžiai: Akūtas; Baltų kalbos; Baltų-slavų prokalbė; Diftongai; Etimologija; Glotalizacija; Indoeuropiečių prokalbė; Kirčiavimas; Laringalas; Slavų kalbos; Accentuation; Acute; Baltic languages; Diphthongs; Etymology; Glottalization; Laryngeal; Proto-Balto-Slavic; Proto-Indo-European; Slavic languages.

ENWe can conclude that the hypothesis that initial stressed *Hu- and *Hi- became glottalized in Balto-Slavic does not meet with any serious counterexamples.20 Unfortunately, there are no words that unambiguously reflect initial (stressed) *i- or *u- without an initial laryngeal. The glottalization explains the acute accent of Lith. áiškus, ýškus, éiškus, ukis, ìnas, ýnas, víenas, áuksas, ieškóti, íeškoti, iesm¡, dial. íeva and ánka, Latv. viêns, iẽva, iẽskât, dial. aũstra and añka, PSlav. *jiskra, *ěsnъ, *jistъ, *vyk-, *vysokъ, *jinъ, *jiva, *īskàti, and *utro. It could also explain the metatony of Latv. àustra, Lith. aušrà (4) vs. Latv. dial. aũstra, PSlav. *utro (a), and possibly Latv. aĩza, aîza vs. àiza. The metathesis most probably occurred in late Balto-Slavic, in view of the examples of metatony we find. [Extract, p. 319]

DOI:
10.1163/9789401200325_015
ISBN:
9789401200325
ISSN:
9789042033320
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https://www.lituanistika.lt/content/83751
Updated:
2020-12-17 20:20:42
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