The Root vocalism of Lith. dãvė, dial. dẽvė 'gave' revisited
ENLithuanian dúoti ‘to give’ has an established Indo-European root etymology (cf. LIV² 105, IEW 223-5). The verb goes back to the root *deh₃- attested in a wide range of Indo-European branches, and at first may appear quite straightforward. However, some inflectional forms have a rather complicated historical background. For example, the present stem dúod- (Latv. duôd-, OPru. 3sg. pres. dāst, PB *dōd- ) cannot be straightforwardly derived from PIE *dédoh₃-/*dedh₃-, and its historical development requires an analogical process (cf. Stang 1942:21-2, Shintani 1985:279). In particular, the preterit dãvė of dúoti ‘to give’ presents a difficult historical problem which is shared by some other verbs of the šlúoti ‘to sweep' ~šlúoja ~šlãvė type. [...] This paper will briefly review some of the hypotheses that have been suggested to explain these problems, and suggest revisions to Endzelin’s (1923:679) hypothesis. [p. 410-411].
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