Apie dar vieną stalininio laikotarpio teroro organą - "triokas ir "petiorkas"

LTStraipsnio tema - LKP(b) ir represinių struktūrų santykiai stalininiu laikotarpiu, konkrečiau - komunistų partijos sekretorių ir čekistų vadų 1945-1947 m. sudarytų neformalių organų - troikų ir petiorkų - veikla. [Iš leidinio]Reikšminiai žodžiai: Lietuvos sovietinė okupacija, sovietų represinės struktūros, vykdytojai, "troikos", "petiorkos"; Pasipriešinimas; Represijos; Rezistencija; Sovietinis režimas; „petiorka“; „troika“; Repression; Resistance movement; Soviet occupation in Lithuania, Soviet repressions stuctures, perpetrators, "troikas", "petiorkas"; Soviet regime; „petiorka“; „troika“.

ENRight after the second occupation of Lithuania (1944) both the local Communist leaders and the newly coming chekists intended to implement the Lenin's idea that ,“a good communist is a good chekist". They climbed to civil power which at the time was in hand of almost only the Communist party committees and also sought for the unity between the aims and actions of the repressive structures (NKVD, NKGB, prosecutor offices). The range of their actions was wide. A strong and also armed resistance taking place in the country (the last partisan headquarters were annihilated in 1953, single partisans having resisted for long since then), all the Soviet party active core including not only the personnel of the party organs but also almost all officials of the government institutions were armed with rifles, submachine-guns and pistols. They took part in all the actions of constraint: would expropriate part or all property from the well-to-do people, mostly called kulaks, would forcibly press the peasants to pay huge scots, often too oppressive, and deported to the peripheries of Russia those persons who had not pleased the occupants and collabourators in some way, and etc. Certain background for consensus between the civil and the repressive military organs was due to the fact that initially the Lithuanian Communist party was not numerous comprising mostly of immigrants from Russia (1945 - 3.5 thousand and 1948 - 22 thousand, with only 18.5% of Lithuanians).Working in the Communist party committees of different levels, they could easily come to understanding with the local chekists. Antanas Sniečkus, the energetic, sensible but also bigot first secretary of the Lithuanian Communist party also ensured steady relations between the repressive organs and the provincial functionaries of the Communist party. Both the immigrants from Russia and the local collabourators were consolidated by the common fear of the national resistance movement, especially of partisans. A kind of revolt between the Central Committee of the LKP'(b) (Lithuanian Communist (Bolshevik) Party) and the repressive structures took place only in spring of 1953 when the Soviet Union was under the rule of Lavrentij Berija who then tried to play national politics to be finally entrenched in power. He forced and provoked some leaders of LSSR (Lithuanian Republic of the Soviet Union) to sign a petition mostly directed against Antanas Sniečkus as being ostensibly incompetent to establish a strong Soviet regime in Lithuania. One of the most striking attempts to integrate the chekist military measures with the administrative, economic, political and other means, i.e. to unite the efforts of the repressive organs and civil institutions to neutralize the armed opposition, were unofficial ruling bodies „petiorkas“ (a five some) that acted in regions and „troikas“ (a three some) that acted in parts of local districts in the period 1945-1947.The establishment of such bodies was ordered by the Lithuanian office of the VKP(b) (such office existed in 1944-1947, Michail Suslov being in charge of it till 1946 and V. Sierbakov later; analogous offices were established also in other Baltic States and Moldavia; they were the supervision and ruling organs controlled by Moscow, and it were them indeed ruling the newly occupies countries). The regional „petiorkas“ were formed of the first and second secretaries of the region party and the administrative organs as well as MVD (Ministry of Internal Affairs) and MGB (Ministry of State Security) district officers. The fifth member was usually elected the chairman of the region executive committee. The administrative district “troikas“ consisted of the secretary or party organizer of the district party and the officer of MVD district subdivision, and the special NKVD district procurator. „Petiorkas“ used to substitute the functions of the district party committee offices. They would also adopt more sensitive and also strategic decisions on the fight against the underground. Moreover, being less numerous than the offices (they would comprise of about 7-9 members), they could enact the decisions with more expedition. As often as not the decisions of „petiorkas“ would contribute to the intensification of terror perpetrated against the civil people. The expropriation of property was especially often exercised against the partisan families and quasi their supporters, labelling them at their own discretion. The decisions of „petiorkas“ more often expressed an idea to deport more people and would indicate to remove the ,,anti-Soviet elements" from state and cooperative institutions, enterprises and schools. [Text from author]