Sarbievijus politiniame Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės teatre

LT„Mūsų Lietuvos provincijos Horacijus" (Litvanae Pro- vinciae nostrae Horatius), - taip 1757 metais pristato Motiejų Kazimierą Sarbievijų Vilniaus akademijos poetikos magistras Adomas Naruševičius (1733-1796). Lietuvoje surinktų Sarbievijaus rankraščių rinkinį jis dedikuoja poeto globėjo, „lietuvių Herkulio", didžiojo Lietuvos etmono Jono Karolio Katkevičiaus (1560-1621 ) vaikaičiui, savo mecenatui, Veliuonos seniūnui, pulkininkui Jonui Mikalojui Katkevičiui (m. 1781), šitaip susiedamas Sarbievijų ne tik su jo meto, bet ir su XVIII amžiaus lietuviškuoju patriotizmu. [Iš straipsnio, p. 309]

ENNot one creative year was spent by Sarbievius in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Lithuanian themes' were common in his poetry, quite a few works were dedicated to the Lithuanian noble families, viz. the Chodkiewicz, the Kiszkas, the Sapiehas, the Pacas, the Rudaminas, the Radziwills, the Wollowicz, the Tiszkewicz, his ties with the political reality of Lithuania being far from unilateral. The political life of that period saw diverse tendencies, alive were different visions of the Lithuanian state. On the other hand, the Baroque evidenced a more complex than earlier interaction of individual and state characterized by two different tendencies: on the one hand, the depreciation of the state life, the notions of its alienation and incertitude were extremely evident while, on the other hand, the state role and value were considered as having unlimited authority. Baroque writers considered politics an integral part of the performance of general existence. As Sarbievius puts it, politicians act for the nation as comedians (Lyricorum Lib. II, 'Cato Politicus'. Ode VI) The life of states is temporal and unreliable: 'Kingdoms created in centuries are ruined in an hour' (Lyricorum Lib. n, 'Ad Publium Memmium'. Ode VII ). All things surrounding us are a mere 'eyewash', 'a sequel of a long-seen dream' (Lyricorum Lib. I, 'Ad Telephum Lycum'. Ode VII).Man's freedom, contrary to the Renaissance, is not being realised in the societal sphere. The option prevails that freedom is possible only while in individual existence, far from public matters. Man is to be a consul and a senate for himself, claims Sarbievius (Consul ipse, I Ipse Senatus - Lyricorum Lib. in, 'Ad Se ipsum'. Ode XVI ). Societal honour and glory (laus, gloria) contradict a private virtue (privata virtus ). An honest man should hate them and be 'full of his own self' (me pienus - Lyricorum Lib. IV, 'Ad lanum Libinium'. Ode XII). On the other hand however, in the culture of that period the state rather than an individual becomes the main participant of history. Human life is thought to be of value only if it serves the general interests of the state. A Renaissance concept that man himself is able to create his historical destiny to Samuelis Daugirdas, a courtier of Christophorus п Radziwiłł, Sarbievius' contemporary and 10 years later Albertus Koiałłowicz, a Jesuit, professor at Vilnius Academy were proponents of this idea. The ideology of an independent Lithuanian state was based on the legend the Lithuanians having originated from the Romans as well as on the idea of cultural and political unity of the Balts ('the Lithuanian nations' ), the interpretation of the Polish-Lithuanian union as a union of two independent states, on the declaration of the historical right of Lithuania to Kiev, all Russian lands and Livonia. An independent fate of Lithuania was closely linked by Lithuanian historians with the strongest families of Lithuanian noblemen - the Radziwiłłs and the Sapiehas - 'the parents of homeland'.A naive national megalomania is also peculiar to Daugirdas Genealogy. As stated by the poet, the Lithuanians happen to be the most renown and the happiest nation in the world. Being endowed by Mars with outstanding abilities, it possesses the right not only to Kiev but also to Great Novgorod. In his works, Koiallowicz discerns the Lithuanians and the Sarmatians (or the Poles) as two separate nations. The term 'Sarmatia' is used in a geographical sense only rather than in an ideological and political meaning, so peculiar to sarmatian ideology. What was Sarbievius' role in this theatre of Lithuanian political ideas? The poet's relationship with the political reality of Lithuania could be well defined with the help of the aesthetical categories used by him - discordia concors, concordia discors. Sarbievius' texts reflect the tension between sarmatism and the independent ideology of a Lithuanian state. He, similar to Stryjkowski, tends to embody the signs of sarmatian patriotism into idealized Lithuanian noblemen. In a frequent case, they are extolled as protectors of 'homeland Poland'. The Republic, however, is viewed by Sarbievius as a union of two equal nations - the Poles and the Lithuanians. [...]. [From the publication]