Объектный партитив отрицания: ареально-типологическая перспектива

ENThe article presents a survey of the genitive/partitive marking of the direct object under negation, a feature attested in the Slavic, Baltic and Baltic-Finnic languages. Special attention is paid to the relation between the local (clause-bound) and long-distance (with a negated matrix verb taking an infinitival complement) versions of the partitive-ofnegation rule. Both local and long-distance partitive-of-negation are attested in Polish, Slovene, Lithuanian and Baltic Finnic, while in Latvian and other Slavic languages the rule has either become optional and marginal or has been lost altogether. Diachronic data suggest that partitive-ofnegation is an archaic feature of Baltic and Slavic languages and that language contact is at least partly responsible both for it loss in some languages and its retention in others. Typological parallels from languages in Europe and other areas are also discussed.